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Palombo et al. (2009). Guide to Psychoanalytic Developmental Theories. Chapters 2, 3. 1. Models of human development: Describe and

Palombo et al. (2009). Guide to Psychoanalytic Developmental Theories. Chapters 2, 3.

1. Models of human development: Describe and compare the core concepts defining the major theories of human development across the lifespan.

Small group leadership for readings (20%) – Each student will participate in a small group and will take turns facilitating the group in a discussion of the readings for a particular week (50 mins). Facilitators will prepare a concise summary of the readings (about 20 mins) and provide questions to animate group discussion (about 30 mins). Facilitators will hand in on Quercus their slides of the concise summary and their animating questions. Facilitators are responsible to keep track of the time and impose time restrictions when necessary.

Lat. Am. Week 5 reply. This week’s readings focus on the reforms

Lat. Am. Week 5 reply.

This week’s readings focus on the reforms that were implemented by Portugal and Spain during the period of the mid-eighteenth century and into the early years of the nineteenth century. The time period is important because it is a time of change, throughout the world, as enlightenment ideals spread and took hold, and within Portugal and Spain as they both had new monarchs come to power, and were dealing with the reshuffling of world power as France and Britain’s’ Empires  began to occupy the world stage.

               Our articles focused on the reforms in their respective governments, the Bourbon Reforms of Spain and the Pombaline Reforms of Portugal. At the forefront of these reforms were Jose de Carvajal y Lancaster and  Sebastiao de Carvalho, who would become Marquis of Pombal. “Carvajal and Carvalho believed the principles and structures of regulated companies were the most efficient mechanisms to revitalise imperial trade, sidestep the burdensome administration of polycentric authority, catalyse reform and accrue greater power at court.” (Carrederra, 230) While the two men were largely rivals in practice, they agreed on the ways to effectively reform their respective empires.

               Beginning with a discussion of economic reforms, we can draw parallels between the “1761 Law” and the real pragmatica of 1765. While the 1761 law implemented an entirely new structure and process for the collection of taxes and wealth from the Portuguese colonies, and the real pragmatica of 1765 reformed the grain market, both reforms had largely the same goal, to reduce the power of local officials in the colonies, improve the funneling of wealth to the monarchy rather than individuals or mercchants, and to recentralize power. Pombal’s method was much more obvious, in that he established a national treasury, did away with private counting houses for the collection of tributes/taxes, and implemented a standardized accounting system. He eliminated the private sector from the process entirely and centralized the collection of all public revenue in the central government/monarchy in Lisbon. (Gomes, Carnegie, Rodrigues) The real pragmatica of 1765, while dealing with the grain economy, worked in a similar fashion. While previously, grain sales were controlled by the local governments and cities, and the leaders of local settlements could halt grain sales in cases of famine or lean years as well as restrict who and where producers could sell, the real pragmatica placed a bit more power into the hands of individual growers and merchants, allowing them to sell their grain as they saw fit without limitations as to where and who they could sell to, encouraging some growth in the market and lowering costs. However, they did not fully adopt the precepts of laissez faire capitalism, and local officials could still halt grain sales in times of famine, however, after the real pragmatica local authorities had to get approval to halt grain sales from the monarchy/government. Thus, the real pragmatica appears to embrace the enlightenment ideal of individuals and capitalism, while at the same time reorienting the grain economy, and its control, toward the monarchy and central government. “…the Real Pragmatica furthered the transformations in governance and economic relations that were sweeping New Spain in the last decades of the colonial period. Such changes involved both pragmatism and a centralization of power, rather than merely dogmatic support for free trade or staunch support of traditional doctrines that protected the rights of local districts over their own production.” (Challu, 401)

               Another economic debate during the Bourbon reforms revolved around the production of copper fractional coins in New Spain. Due to the absence of small fractional denominations in copper coins, when merchants or shopkeepers made a sale of an item that was less than the lowest denomination of silver coins in imperial money, they would provide change in the form of tokens that could then be used in that shop at a future date. One can see where this would be problematic as there were no universal tokens, and it would obligate the consumer to then spend money in that particular shop. Therefore, Bourbon reformers argued for the production of fractional copper coins by the government to solve this problem. “Copper money, they argued, would serve the goals that Spain’s monarchs valued most: boosting royal revenues and improving public welfare.” (Konove, 590) It would boost revenues by reintegrating the capital that had been removed from the economy in the form of tokens and returning it, to some degree to the monarchy, and it would improve conditions for the people, because they would have a universal fractional currency that could be used anywhere and would no longer be beholden to individual merchants and shopkeepers. However, a plan would never come to fruition due to opposition largely found in the colonies themselves, “At the heart of the Consulado’s rebuttal was their contention that the inhabitants of New Spain did not want and would not trust copper money. Overseas merchants at the trade fairs in Xalapa would not accept the coins, they argued, because they would be worthless outside of New Spain.” (Konove, 597) In addition, many argued that the minting of copper coins would lead to large scale counterfeiting and undermine the goals of the project as a result.

               Pombal also utilized other ideals of the enlightenment to achieve better centralization of government control as well. In the article, “Cracking Down on the Cunhamenas: Renegade Amazonian Traders Under Pombaline Reform,” Barbara A. Sommer focuses her narrative on the efforts to do away with the cunhamenas, autonomous native traders, in the Rio Negra. However, the article also addresses the expulsion of the regular orders of Catholic missions, especially the Jesuits, the abolition of Native slavery, and establishment of control by secular clergy, through calculated use of the inquisition, described as the secular arm of the Catholic church.  By cracking down on the Cunhamenas using religious law, the Portuguese were able to eliminate a problematic obstacle to establishing centralized control over the economy of the region. Rather than removing the cunhamenas for crimes against the crown, they could eliminate the problem on religious grounds, and in turn tie that issue into removing power from the missions. “With an empirical approach, Mendonca Furtado and Bulhoes cautiously implemented new policy in Amazonia, slowly creating new Indian settlements under direct state administration. They appointed parish priests to serve these settlements, establishing a paradigm that undermined the authority of the religious orders in the region, and they introduced schools to teach Portuguese and encourage Westernisation among the natives.” (Sommer, 790) Therefore, through calculated use of the secular arm of the church, Pombal advanced the enlightenment ideal of secularism, while at the same time not rejecting the Church, and further centralized Monarchical power in the region. In Spain, “A campaign to secularize religious doctrinas (proto-parishes for Indian villages) coincided with one to transfer responsibilities for instruction from parish priests and their Indian fiscales (assistants) to designated primary schools under Spanish maestros. Together these reforms— aimed at mitigating ethnic distinctions thought to stem from the persistence of diverse indigenous languages, incorporating Indian pueblos into the economic realm, instilling the cultural and economic habits of an enlightened polity, and protecting the productive potential of subjects—made a deep impression, even if they often produced a retreat to familiar local practice.” (Ramirez, 206) Therefore, we once again see parallel reforms being enacted, if in different ways.

               However, despite all of the reforms of the Bourbons and Pombal meant to centralize control of their respective empires, the reality is that they were not always wholly successful. For example, in the case of the smallpox outbreak and the reforms enacted to curb epidemics, Ramirez shows that domestic cooperation was necessary for success, “One of the major points of contention in 1796–1797 proved to be the level of control parents would maintain with respect to the health of their children. As Bourbon reformers intervened to remove the sick and dying from their homes, the struggle on the ground revolved around the very definition of ‘domestic’.” (Ramirez, 232) As a result of a lack of dissemination of information and understanding, efforts to curb smallpox were met with violent protest. While the enlightenment ideals of science and advances in medicine enjoyed great support among metropolitan elites, they were largely absent among the rural populations, and so implementation of new policies based on medicine and science that was little understood was met with resistance. In addition, Eva Maria Mehl utilizes the shared history of Mexico and the Phillipines to illustrate “…that imperial agendas were ultimately recast to accommodate local and regional interests in the colonies, that the colonial administrations were significant actors in determining the practices that actually emerged out of metropolitan directives, and that recognizing a greater degree of local and regional autonomy on the part of the viceroys and governors helps us understand how the Spanish empire was governed.”(Mehl, 551) Therefore, despite reforms meant to centralize authority in Madrid and Lisbon, the reality of ruling a vast empire with far flung holdings, is much more complex than this implies. Despite efforts to micromanage colonial holdings, local interests would often undermine these efforts, and ultimately local authority and desires would often win out, leading to modifications to the central authorities orders.

               In conclusion, the latter half of the eighteenth century in Portugal and Spain and their colonies, were heavily influenced by the enlightenment, with the overarching goal being centralization of imperial power in the monarchy. As a result, this period was marked by drastic reforms, from economic reforms, to secularization, and efforts to westernize the colonies. Some of these reforms were relatively successful, and others were not, and some were met with violent resistance. However, the latter half of the eighteenth century was marked by change, in an effort to hold on to their prominent place in the world as Portugal and Spain’s vast empires began to give way to those of France and Britain.

Lat. Am. Week 6 replies Post 1 KH Beidler and Morelli’s articles

Palombo et al. (2009). Guide to Psychoanalytic Developmental Theories. Chapters 2, 3. 1. Models of human development: Describe and Management Assignment Help Lat. Am. Week 6 replies

Post 1 KH

Beidler and Morelli’s articles examining how nineteenth century wars of independence in Spanish America notably hark back to this course’s assigned readings from the first week. In his poem “Tengo,” Nicolás Guillén extols the developments of the 1959 Cuban Revolution that granted Afro-Cubans full rights as Cuban citizens. Guillén writes, “I have the pleasure of going about my country,/ owner of all there is in it,/ looking closely at what/ I did not or could not have before….I have, let’s see,/ that there are no rural police/ to seize me and lock me in a precinct jail,/ or tear me from my land and cast me/ in the middle of the highway…I have learned to read, to count,/ I have that I have learned to write,/ and to think,/ and to laugh” (Guillén 9-13, 36-41, 50-53). This appraisal of Afro-Cubans’ ability to access education, express themselves as freely as white Cubans, and freely moving about Cuba without fear of being randomly detained by police on account of their race is essentially a completion of ideals of a “raceless Cuba” first expressed in Cuba’s Ten Years’ War (1868-1878) and the island’s war for independence (1895-1898). In his article “Mambises in Whiteface: U.S. versus Cuban Depictions of Freedom Fighters in the War of Independence against Spain,” Beidler touches upon these ideals whilst examining the contrasting U.S. and Cuban ideological presentations of the conflict in 1898. Beidler argues that the U.S. perception of Cuba’s war against Spain, referred to as the Spanish-American War in the U.S., purported a “racial politics of whiteness versus blackness…with whiteness always visibly figured in the featured role,” leading to “U.S. representations of rank-and-file Cuban revolutionaries emphasiz[ing] racial “whiteness” in written and visual media (Beidler 90, 92). Cuba, meanwhile, emphasized the “multiracial effort in the independence forces” and “the racial diversity in the independence soldiery,” reflecting the independence movement’s commitment to cementing a common national identity unhindered by racial divisions (Beidler 93-4). These discrepancies in the presentation of the Cuban War of Independence ultimately culminated in the years immediately following the war. While Cuba did achieve independence from Spain, it was forced into a state of dependency under the United States’s Platt Amendment, which established Cuba as a protectorate of the United States and gave the United States the authority to intervene in the affairs of the island nation as it deemed necessary. Such reflects Beidler’s observation that “to white Americans, Cuba became a case of the new national business of imperialist muscle-flexing as usual—picking up the white man’s burden by cleaning up dirty little wars and installing white men’s surrogates” who would adopt policies sympathetic to U.S. economic, social, and political interests prioritizing and protecting the interests of Cuba’s white political and economic elite class (Beidler 98). Ultimately, this goes to show the limits of nation- and citizenship-building that occurred in the midst and aftermath of Latin American independence movements. For Cuba, the process of building a nation and achieving its vision of a raceless society was undermined by the imperial ambitions of its northern neighbor, setting the stage for decades of exclusive socio-political developments that eventually culminated in the 1959 Cuban Revolution.  

Morelli extends this conversation of race and independence to the whole of Spanish America in “Race, Wars, and Citizenship: Free People of Color in the Spanish American Independence.” Touching upon what Gharala terms “sites for demonstrating worth, honor, and loyalty for people of African descent” in her article “Not even blood mixture could make them unworthy’: political loyalty and tribute in Bourbon New Spain,” Morelli notes the fluid nature of colonial Spanish America’s casta system, writing that “familiar prestige and social status, beyond color, could determine a person’s position in the colonial hierarchy,” thus providing people of color the means in which to navigate across social, economic, and racial barriers to  (Gharala 195, 198; Morelli 146). Morelli contends that “the term “free people of color” (libres de color), which appeared in the late eighteenth century, denoted the increasing difficulty of classifying individuals according to race and also signaled exclusion/inclusion,” establishing how the fluidity of the colonial era casta system made way for free people of color to partake in post-colonial social, political, economic, and cultural institutions as citizens (Morelli 144). Morelli argues that examining how the transformation of racial and social hierarchies and expanding understandings of citizenship during much of Spanish America’s fight for independence in the early nineteenth century allows one to better comprehend the very nature of Spanish American revolutions, as “the ideal of racial equality amounted to more than mere facile rhetoric” as people of color in Spanish America played a “central role in shaping the new republics” by voicing their “new expectations of freedom and equality and were exerting a form of political pressure that the Creole elite could not ignore” (Morelli 143, 154).

The collective takeaway from these articles is that people of color were notably visible actors in Spanish American independence movements. The discussions on citizenship initiated with the onset of independence movement integrated people of color into nation-building processes, as the “granting [of] universal citizenship to free men was to underscore the contrast with the colonial period, when people were categorized either as vassal or subject and many suffered major legal inequalities,” exemplifying a “discourse of formal equality and inclusion” (Morelli 153). 

Post 2 JM

One of the things that stood out to me was Yuko Miki’s article examining both African and Indigenous slavery present in postcolonial Brazil. It seemed odd to me that a country that did not abolish slavery until 1888 was so concerned with how others perceived it. When they established new territories to be settled, there were directives put in place to only allow Europeans to settle in those territories. Yet, territories like Colonia Leopoldina soon had very large populations of African slaves anyway. Miki described that as abolition became more and more inevitable, that immigration to Brazil became more focused towards Europeans. Europeans who would go to the hinterlands and themselves act as the labor force in these rural areas. (2, 6, 7) Such a goal ultimately failed, as these new immigrants did tap into the transatlantic slave trade and quickly had large numbers of African born slaves “taming” the wild hinterlands for them. Miki describes a state government embarrassed by the fact that they advertised lands that would be the poster child for European immigration to South America, and saw that all the progress and labor was not being completed by Europeans at all. (8-9)  

Another goal for Miki was to prove that the enslavement of the native people of Brazil was much more persistent than previous scholarship indicated. So much so that an American traveler in Rio de Janeiro claimed that “Indians appear to be enslaved as much almost as negroes, and are bought and sold like them.” (10) The massive presence of Native slaves has been ignored in the history of Brazil, and Miki describes an almost presistant presence of this practice in the nineteenth century. The state continually made laws that (in theory) outlawed the taking of natives as slaves, but a new loophole or practice would emerge to allow Native slavery to continue. Natives were granted citizenship in the constitution in 1824, but any captured in a “just war” such as the Botocudo, were still fair game to be taken for labor. In 1831 this practice was outlawed, but any Natives who were deemed “unaccultured” were viewed as the orphans of the state and could be sent to farmers to labor and learn Brazilian culture until they had been “civilized.”  (10-12) Miki describes the difference between these two forms of slavery by noting that Africans at least did have a chance to purchase their freedom to gain manumission, but that Native slaves did not have that option. They were forced to stay in captivity until they were deemed to have met the subjective notion of being “civilized.” (14)

Post 3 RE

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               This week’s readings ranged from the late-colonial period through various independence movements, and into the early post-colonial era in Latin America. While the articles ranged in time and place, there was a common thread running through six of them, that of the complex issue of race and the shifting status of people of color. However, there was one thing apparent in each of these articles, and that was the acknowledgement that Latin American independence was dependent on people of color.

               I am going to tackle this in chronological order as I think that makes it clear. Therefore, we begin in Buenos Aires in 1806, with the British occupation. In this article, although the events take place prior to an independence movement, it is made evident that the survival of Spanish control, and subsequently local control, of Buenos Aires required the aid of the slave population to expel the British. “The slaves proved more than willing to serve. Denied the freedom that they had expected from the British when the latter had briefly occupied the city the previous year, they came to play an important role in the successful defence of the city in July 1807.” (Blanchard, 253) While in the end the slaves who aided the Crown to victory did not gain much from their participation in the defense of the city, this event exemplified the necessity for cooperation between the slaveholding population and people of color, including slaves, for the defense and eventual movement for independence, to be successful. This point is further driven home when one considers the reluctance that the white population of the city felt in arming slaves.

               Next, we are introduced to Francisco Carrascón y la Sota, who despite being from Spain, advocated a vision for a fully independent Peru run by “espanoles americanos” although “espanoles europeos” were welcome to join. Noticeably absent from this plan is any inclusion of any category of people of color, “Carrascón’s 1814 project for independence explicitly excluded non- Spaniards from any voice in his new continental order…” (Cahill, 214) This included Incan nobles even though much of his vision was predicated on the revival of the great Incan empire Tahuantinsuyu. While his vision was revolutionary and intriguing, ultimately it was too racist to be successful in the reality that was Peru.

               In “Bolivar and the Caudillos,” by John Lynch we have our first foray into discussion about one of the independence movements, in this case Bolivar’s campaign in Venezuela. What marked this particular aspect of Latin American independence was the existence of, and necessary alliances with caudillos, who were, “… a regional chieftain, deriving his power from control of local resources, especially of haciendas, which gave him access to men and supplies. Classical caudillism took the form of armed patron-client bands, held together by personal ties of dominance and submission and by a common desire to obtain wealth by force of arms.” (Lynch, 4) As the institutions of the Spanish imperial state broke down throughout the wars of independence, local groups like caudillos would step in to fill the power vacuum. Bolivar, realizing that he could not take on the Spanish and the caudillos at the same time, instead sought to utilize the power of the caudillos in his campaign. Lynch shows throughout his article that Venezuela would not have achieved independence without the caudillos, and eventually they even managed independence from Bolivar as well. Once again it is reiterated that cooperation between people of color and whites was necessary for an independent Latin America.

               In the next article the relationship between people of color and independence is less clear cut. In the case of native and African slaves in the hinterland settlements of post-colonial Brazil it was not about the cooperation of people of color, but about the need for slaves to support the newly independent settlement and economy of the region. After independence, Brazil encouraged settlement of its hinterlands by European colonists. The goal was to establish colonies and grow the population, but rather than doing that, the settlers largely became plantation owners dependent on African slave labor. When the Atlantic slave trade ended, African slaves became harder to come by. The state encouraged more immigration from Europe, it was thought that this would bolster the white population of the region while also providing needed workers. However, this increased immigration did not come to fruition. As a result, there was a resurgence in the enslavement of indigenous peoples. While indigenous slavery had been outlawed in 1831, and upon independence natives became Brazilian citizens, this did not stop the practice. “Although the government expressed dismay at such developments, the absence of any definitive action to curtail them suggests that they were resigned if not complicit. Thus the inequalities of Brazil’s postcolonial geography– center and sertao, developed and backward– reproduced themselves through the creation of slaves and quasi-citizens who resided within, yet did not have the rights to, Brazil’s national territory. “ (Miki, 16) In this case, the reliance is not on people of color as agents of independence, but rather the reliance of the newly independent state on their labor for survival. It also shows that despite progress on racial equality on paper, in practice it was often far from the reality.

               In “Race, Wars, and Citizenship: Free People of Color in the Spanish American Independence,” by Federica Morelli, focuses on the participation of free people of color in the Spanish independence movements. Beginning in the late-colonial period Morelli begins with a discussion of the ways that imperial Spain allowed for upward mobility among free people of color. She then moves on to the change in status due to independence, “With the arrival of independence, the category of free people of color disappeared. In the new constitutions, citizenship for free men was formally recognized and included Indians, but not slaves.” (Morelli, 153) In addition to obtaining citizenship, Morelli discusses the ways in which they participated in the formation of new government and political ideals, as well as being essential for successful military campaigns. Morelli shows that beyond just military participation, people of color were essential for the successful independence of the colonies.

               Finally, the last article that emphasizes the importance of cooperation between people of color and whites is, “Mambises in Whiteface: U.S. versus Cuban Depictions of Freedom Fighters in the War of Independence against Spain,” by Philip Beidler. While the largest thrust of this article is to exemplify the whitewashing of the Spanish-American war, or Cuban war for independence, underlying that, in the descriptions of the images of the Cuban photographs, it is made obvious that Cuba’s success was due to the cooperation between the majority population of afro-cubans and whites. While US media largely gave credit for the success of the movement to US involvement, Beidler points out that, “…the Cubans were well on the way to winning the war before the Americans arrived. In fact, there were no real attempts at coordination with Revolutionary forces, no matter what their racial makeup.” (Beidler, 97) Therefore, once again we can see that, despite attempts to wash them out of the narrative, people of color were once again essential to the success of the Cuban independence movement, as had been the case in the rest of Latin America.

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Extended Definition Of Family
Jose D Rosado Martinez
September 14, 2022

Everyone has tried to define the word ‘family’ at some point in their life and maybe the definition they gave is not sufficient under the criticism of another person. First, what is a family? What makes up a family? Are there constant features that must be there for a societal unit to fit the description of a family? It is true that most people and scholars have tried their best to define family, but the definitions have never been sufficient to satisfy everybody. These definitions have never fitted everyone’s taste because every continent has various communities amounting to hundreds of languages that have varying cultures. The practices and beliefs that a society in Europe has been not like those of other communities in the African continent. This essay cites the best (but not perfect) definition as that of the American Census Bureau which defines family as “a householder and one or more other persons living in the same household who are related to the householder by birth, marriage, or adoption” (Seminars, 2019). However, as the other ideas on the definition of the family take charge, the flaws of this definition also surface. These flaws follow the fact that some family members may not reside in the same household as the householder. This essay attempts to define family by combining definitions according to America as a society.

Before embarking on the definition of a family, it is good to cite the reason why the term has multiple meanings to different people. “The word family may mean something quite different to an African American, an American Indian, or a southeast Asian refugee, a stepparent, a foster parent, a landlord, or a zoning board member. One’s image of family may reflect one’s position in the family life cycle ranging from a childless couple to the “sandwich generation” with both young and old dependents to the “empty nest” stage” (Seminars, 2019). This quote elaborates that defining this term will differ according to race, ethnicity, socio-economic status, language, and even religion. Take an example of a Christian who will not be allowed to marry a cousin because of family ties but a Muslim has a right to be engaged to some family members such as cousins.

The first definition of a family is members of the same household brought together by blood ties. Blood ties are bondages that arise when people have the same father and mother. Therefore, a brother and a sister earn the qualification of being family members because they have one father or one mother. Also consider cousins, aunts, uncles, nieces, and grandparents as members of a family. They earn this qualification of being members of the same family because they are united by the blood of their ancestors. In this case, this definition will not be sufficient because there are many other family members that society considers family even without blood ties. A husband and wife are immediate family members, but their relationship is bonded by marriage ties and not blood. A wife will earn another mother-in-law and father-in-law when they are not related by blood in any case (Seminars, 2019). Therefore, most families across the seven continents and especially in the USA are related by marriage or blood.

But there are exceptional cases of a family that may not fit into the two descriptions held by the aforementioned definitions. There are couples who do not have the ability to sire children, but they want to be parents. These couples often seek other means of acquiring children such as adopting from children’s homes, refugee camps, and other possible locations. Once they have adopted the child, they are officially family by certification because the child is not related to either of the parents by blood ties or marriage ties. Such cases do not apply only to couples with a barren wife or an impotent man. Nowadays, the LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transexual, queer, and intersex) communities have officiated marriages of the same gender (Seminars, 2019). It is biologically impossible for a couple of the same gender to sire children which means they must adopt. Therefore, there is an exceptional case of a child being adopted to be a family member.

Another case is that of a family whose nature is polygamous, meaning one husband has multiple wives. In this case, the child of another wife will be family with another wife as a stepmother because they live in the same household. In such a case, the only relationship that connects them is that of a father and/or husband. This allows for the two people (child and stepmother) to be related as family members. In the same fashion, a landlord may have several rental rooms on his homestead. His definition of a family will vary from other common definitions because there are no ties whatsoever that bond him with his tenants as family but he still calls them family.

In conclusion, family may be defined in dictionaries and other bodies by scholars but there is much beyond what each entity can define. Varying cultures and beliefs make families differ from community to community and from continent to continent. In layman’s state, a family may be that friend who helps another in times of need. Others think only marriage and blood ties bring the bondage that completes a family while a foster parent will call family those whom they consider their child. As much as there are all these definitions, every community has a right to bring valid reasons to why they describe a family in a specific way. Therefore, the extended definition of family follows the description rather than prescribing what family is to other communities.



Seminars, W. F. I. (2019). Building Policies That Put Families First: A Wisconsin Perspective.

For this post: Read the article Take notes or highlight in the

For this post:

Read the article

Take notes or highlight in the article so that you have a good understanding of the overall meaning (not minute details!)

Answer the following questions in your post:

Briefly describe the issue discussed in the article and how it relates to your future in nursing.

Discuss how this threat specifically affects Home Health Care nurses and how they can protect themselves and their patients.

Your post should not exceed 250 words.