1 Metropolitan Memorial Hospital (Balance Sheet) (in Thousands) 2018 2017 Current Assets Writing Help - Best History Assignment Help By Professors

Metropolitan Memorial Hospital

(Balance Sheet)

(in thousands)

2018 2017

Current Assets

Cash

$124

$280

Temporary Investments

Receivables, Net

$1,536

$1,340

Inventory

175

140

Prepaid Expenses

Total Current Assets

Long-term Investments

1,010

600

Plant and Equipment

6,980

6,580

Less accumulated depreciation

(1,730)

(1,660)

Plant and Equipment, net

5,250

4,920

Total Assets

$8,172

$7,350

Current Liabilities

Accounts Payable

$302

$370

Accrued Expense Payable

208

220

Deferred Revenues

Total Current Liabilities

587

650

Long-term liabilities

3,000

2,400

Total Liabilities

3,587

3,050

Net Assets

Unrestricted

3,285

3,000

Temporarily Restricted

700

Permanently Restricted

600

Total net assets

4,585

4,300

Total liabilities and net assets

$8,172

$7,350

Metropolitan Memorial Hospital Statement of Operations

(Income Statement)

2018 2017

Gross patient services revenue (non-GAAP*)

$9,490

$8,870

Less deductions from revenues (non-GAAP)

(890)

(780)

Net patient services revenues

8,600

8,090

Other operating revenues

633

519

Total operating revenues

9,233

8,609

Operating expenses

Salaries and wages

5,678

5,497

Supplies

850

823

Utilities

576

558

Insurance

Depreciation

173

168

Interest

146

142

Bad Debts

375

363

Other operating expenses

1,299

987

Total operating expenses

9,143

8,582

Operating Income

Nonoperating Income

195

154

Excess of revenues over expenses

$285

$181

Changes in net assets

Unrestricted

$285

$181

Temporarily restricted

–

Permanently restricted

–

Total changes in net assets

285

181

*GAAP = generally accepted accounting principles

Metropolitan Memorial Hospital

(Statement of Cash Flows)

Cash Flows from Operating Activities

Cash received from patient and third-party payers

$8,404

Cash received from other operating revenue sources

650

Cash received from nonoperating revenue sources

180

Cash payments to employees

(4,500)

Cash payments to suppliers of goods and services

(4203)

Net cash flow from operating activities

$ 531

Cash Flows from Investing Activities

Cash payments for the purchase of plant assets

(940)

Cash payments for purchase of long-term investments

(450)

Proceeds from sales of plant assets

Proceeds from sale of long-term investments

Net cash flow from investing activities

(1,287)

Cash Flows from Financing Activities

Proceeds from Issuance of 6% bonds payable

3,000

Principal payments on long-term debt

(400)

Cash payments to retire 7% bonds payable

(2,000)

Net cash flow from financing activities

600

Net increase / (decrease) in cash

$(156)

BUILD AN IMPLICATE Assignment Professional Essay Help

Problem Set 3
Linguistics 53
Due October 18, 2019
PROBLEM 1: BUILD-AN-IMPLICATURE
Part A Give an example of a sentence in a particular context that gives rise to a conversa- tional implicature. The example should be your own, not one discussed in section/class.
Part B Show that the implicature in question is indeed an implicature and not an entail- ment.
Part C Explain, as precisely as you can, how the implicature arises. Try to refer to con- versational maxims as much as is relevant.
PROBLEM 2: THE COOPERATIVE PRINCIPLE
Compare the conversations in (1) and (2), with background contexts in italics.
(1) Context: Visitors from another planet crash-land in Stevenson College in front of the linguistics department. Alien: Where are we? Stephanie: Earth.
(2) Context: Semantics 1 student asking their TA about course logistics. Student: Where is section going to be held today? Stephanie: Earth.
Although Stephanie’s response is identical in both situations, in (1), Stephanie seems to be obeying the Cooperative Principle, but in (2), she does not.
Part A Identify which Gricean maxim Stephanie is violating in (2), and explain briefly how she is doing so.
Part B Explain why in (1) Stephanie is not violating the maxim described in Part A, even though she is giving the same response as in (2).
1

PROBLEM 3: BELIEVE IT OR NOT
Part A Generally speaking, a person who utters (3a) conversationally implicates (3b):
(3) a. I believe that it’s raining. b. I’m not 100% certain that it’s raining.
Explain, in terms of Gricean maxims, how this implicature arises. (Hint: Think about what a speaker might choose to say if they don’t intend to implicate (3b).)
Part B There is nothing strange in principle about a speaker saying that someone believes something that isn’t actually true. This can be seen in the fact that sentences like (4) and (5) are perfectly natural:
(4) The library is closed but Yuki doesn’t believe it.
(5) The library is closed, even though you don’t believe it.
And yet, (6) is ‘infelicitous’ (as indicated by #)–that is, generally speaking, it is some- thing very odd for someone to say.
(6) #The library is closed, but I don’t believe that it is closed.
Your task is to explain what makes (6) so odd. Your explanation does not need to be highly technical; focus instead on being as clear and precise as you can.
2
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ANALYSIS OF THE CLASSES IN CHINESE SOCIETY gp essay helpSelected Works of Mao Tse-tung
ANALYSIS OF THE CLASSES IN CHINESE SOCIETY
March 1926
This article was written by Comrade Mao Tse-tung to combat two deviations then to be found in the Party. The exponents of the first deviation, represented by Chen Tu-hsiu, were concerned only with co-operation with the Kuomintang and forgot about the peasants; this was Right opportunism. The exponents of the second deviation, represented by Chang Kuo-tao, were concerned only with the labour movement, and likewise forgot about the peasants; this was “Left” opportunism. Both were aware that their own strength was inadequate, but neither of them knew where to seek reinforcements or where to obtain allies on a mass scale. Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out that the peasantry was the staunchest and numerically the largest ally of the Chinese proletariat, and thus solved the problem of who was the chief ally in the Chinese revolution. Moreover, he saw that the national bourgeoisie was a vacillating class and predicted that it would disintegrate during the upsurge of the revolution, with its right-wing going over to the side of imperialism. This was borne out by the events of 1927.
Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution. The basic reason why all previous revolutionary struggles in China achieved so little was their failure to unite with real friends in order to attack real enemies. A revolutionary party is the guide of the masses, and no revolution ever succeeds when the revolutionary party leads them astray. To ensure that we will definitely achieve success in our revolution and will not lead the masses astray, we must pay attention to uniting with our real friends in order to attack our real enemies. To distinguish real friends from real enemies, we must make a general analysis of the economic status of the various classes in Chinese society and of their respective attitudes towards the revolution.
What is the condition of each of the classes in Chinese society?
The landlord class and the comprador class.[1] In economically backward and semi-colonial China the landlord class and the comprador class are wholly appendages of the international bourgeoisie, depending upon imperialism for their survival ant growth. These classes represent the most backward and most reactionary relations of production in China and hinder the development of her productive forces. Their existence is utterly incompatible with the aims of the Chinese revolution. The big landlord and big comprador classes in particular always side with imperialism and constitute an extreme counterrevolutionary group. Their political representatives are the Étatistes [2] and the right-wing of the Kuomintang.
The middle bourgeoisie. This class represents the capitalist relations of production in China in town and country. The middle bourgeoisie, by which is meant chiefly the national bourgeoisie, [3] is inconsistent in its attitude towards the Chinese revolution: they feel the need for revolution and favour the revolutionary movement against imperialism and the warlords when they are smarting under the blows of foreign capital and the oppression of the warlords, but they become suspicious of the revolution when they sense that, with the militant participation of the proletariat at home and the active support of the international proletariat abroad, the revolution is threatening the hope of their class to attain the status of a big bourgeoisie. Politically, they stand for the establishment of a state under the rule of a single class, the national bourgeoisie. A self-styled true disciple of Tai Chi-tao [4] wrote in the Chen Pao, [5] Peking, “Raise your left fist to knock down the imperialists and your right to knock down the Communists.” These words depict the dilemma and anxiety of this class. It is against interpreting the Kuomintang’s Principle of the People’s Livelihood according to the theory of class struggle, and it opposes the Kuomintang’s alliance with Russia and the admission of Communists [6] and left-wingers. But its attempt to establish a state under the rule of the national bourgeoisie is quite impracticable, because the present world situation is such that the two major forces, revolution and counter-revolution, are locked in final struggle. Each has hoisted a huge banner: one is the red banner of revolution held aloft by the Third International as the rallying point for all the oppressed classes of the world, the other is the white banner of counterrevolution held aloft by the League of Nations as the rallying point for all the counter-revolutionaries of the world. The intermediate classes are bound to disintegrate quickly, some sections turning left to join the revolution, others turning right to join the counter-revolution; there is no room for them to remain “independent”. Therefore the idea cherished by China’s middle bourgeoisie of an “independent” revolution in which it would play the primary role is a mere illusion.
The petty bourgeoisie. Included in this category are the owner-peasants, [7] the master handicraftsmen, the lower levels of the intellectuals–students, primary and secondary school teachers, lower government functionaries, office clerks, small lawyers–and the small traders. Both because of its size and class character, this class deserves very close attention. The owner-peasants and the master handicraftsmen are both engaged in small-scale production. Although all strata of this class have the same petty-bourgeois economic status, they fall into three different sections. The first section consists of those who have some surplus money or grain, that is, those who, by manual or mental labour, earn more each year than they consume for their own support. Such people very much want to get rich and are devout worshipers of Marshal Chao; [8] while they have no illusions about amassing great fortunes, they invariably desire to climb up into the middle bourgeoisie. Their mouths water copiously when they see the respect in which those small moneybags are held. People of this sort are timid, afraid of government officials, and also a little afraid of the revolution. Since they are quite close to the middle bourgeoisie in economic status, they have a lot of faith in its propaganda and are suspicious of the revolution. This section is a minority among the petty bourgeoisie and constitutes its right-wing. The second section consists of those who in the main are economically self-supporting. They are quite different from the people in the first section; they also want to get rich, but Marshal Chao never lets them. In recent years, moreover, suffering from the oppression and exploitation of the imperialists, the warlords, the feudal landlords and the big comprador-bourgeoisie, they have become aware that the world is no longer what it was. They feel they cannot earn enough to live on by just putting in as much work as before. To make both ends meet they have to work longer hours, get up earlier, leave off later, and be doubly careful at their work. They become rather abusive, denouncing the foreigners as “foreign devils”, the warlords as “robber generals” and the local tyrants and evil gentry as “the heartless rich”. As for the movement against the imperialists and the warlords, they; merely doubt whether it can succeed (on the ground that the foreigners and the warlords seem so powerful), hesitate to join it and prefer to be neutral, but they never oppose the revolution. This section is very numerous, making up about one-half of the petty bourgeoisie.
The third section consists of those whose standard of living is falling. Many in this section, who originally belonged to better-off families, are undergoing a gradual change from a position of being barely able to manage to one of living in more and more reduced circumstances. When they come to settle their accounts at the end of each year, they are shocked, exclaiming, “What? Another deficit!” As such people have seen better days and are now going downhill with every passing year, their debts mounting and their life becoming more and more miserable, they “shudder at the thought of the future”. They are in great mental distress because there is such a contrast between their past and their present. Such people are quite important for the revolutionary movement; they form a mass of no small proportions and are the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie. In normal times these three sections of the petty bourgeoisie differ in their attitude to the revolution. But in times of war, that is, when the tide of the revolution runs high and the dawn of victory is in sight, not only will the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie join the revolution, but the middle section too may join, and even tight-wingers, swept forward by the great revolutionary tide of the proletariat and of the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie, will have to go along with the “evolution.” We can see from the experience of the May 30th Movement [9] of 1925 and the peasant movement in various places that this conclusion is correct.
The semi-proletariat. What is here called the semi-proletariat consists of five categories: (1) the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants, [10] (2) the poor peasants, (3) the small handicraftsmen, (4) the shop assistants [11] and (5) the pedlars. The overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants together with the poor peasants constitute a very large part of the rural masses. The peasant problem is essentially their problem. The semi-owner peasants, the poor peasants and the small handicraftsmen are engaged in production on a still smaller scale than the owner-peasants and the master handicraftsmen. Although both the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants and the poor peasants belong to the semi-proletariat, they may be further divided into three smaller categories, upper, middle and lower, according to their economic condition. The semi-owner peasants are worse off than the owner-peasants because every year they are short of about half the food they need, and have to make up this deficit by renting land from others, selling part of their labour power, or engaging in petty trading. In late spring and early summer when the crop is still in the blade and the old stock is consumed, they borrow at exorbitant rates of interest and buy grain at high prices; their plight is naturally harder than that of the owner-peasants’ who need no help from others, but they are better off than the poor’ peasants. For the poor peasants own no land, and receive only half the harvest or even less for their year’s toil, while the semi-owner` peasants, though receiving only half or less than half the harvest of land rented from others, can keep the entire crop from the land they own. The semi-owner peasants are therefore more revolutionary than the owner-peasants, but less revolutionary than the poor peasants. The poor peasants are tenant-peasants who are exploited by the landlords. They may again be divided into two categories according to their economic status. One category has comparatively adequate farm implements and some funds. Such peasants may retain half the product of their year’s toil. To make up their deficit they cultivate side crops, catch fish or shrimps, raise poultry or pigs, or sell part of their labour power, and thus eke out a living, hoping in the midst of hardship and destitution to tide over the year. Thus their life is harder than that of the semi-owner peasants, but they are better off than the other category of poor peasants. They ate more revolutionary than the semi-owner peasants, but less revolutionary than the other category of poor peasants. As for the latter, they have neither adequate farm implements nor funds nor enough manure, their crops are poor, and, with little left after paying rent, they have even greater need to sell part of their labour power. In hard times they piteously beg help from relatives and friends, borrowing a few tou or sheng of grain to last them a few days, and their debts pile up like loads on the backs of oxen. They are the worst off among the peasants and are highly receptive to revolutionary propaganda. The small handicraftsmen are called semi-proletarians because, though they own some simple means of production and moreover are self-employed, they too are often forced to sell part of their labour power and are somewhat similar to the poor peasants in economic status. They feel the constant pinch of poverty and dread of unemployment, because of heavy family burdens and the gap between their earnings and the cost of living; in this respect too they largely resemble the poor peasants. The shop assistants are employees of shops and stores, supporting their families on meagre pay and getting an increase perhaps only once in several years while prices rise every year. If by chance you get into intimate conversation with them, they invariably pour out their endless grievances. Roughly the same in status as the poor peasants and the small handicraftsmen, they are highly receptive to revolutionary propaganda. The pedlars, whether they carry their wares around on a pole or set up stalls along the street, have tiny funds and very small earnings, and do not make enough to feed and clothe themselves. Their status is roughly the same as that of the poor peasants, and like the poor peasants they need a revolution to change the existing state of affairs.
The proletariat. The modern industrial proletariat numbers about two million. It is not large because China is economically backward. These two million industrial workers are mainly employed in five industries–railways, mining, maritime transport, textiles and shipbuilding–and a great number are enslaved in enterprises owned by foreign capitalists. Though not very numerous, the industrial proletariat represents China’s new productive forces, is the most progressive class in modern China and has become the leading force in the revolutionary movement. We can see the important position of the industrial proletariat in the Chinese revolution from the strength it has displayed in the strikes of the last four years, such as the seamen’s strikes, [12] the railway strike, [13] the strikes in the Kailan and Tsiaotso coal mines, [14] the Shameen strike [15] and the general strikes in Shanghai and Hong Kong [16] after the May 30th Incident. The first reason why the industrial workers hold this position is their concentration. No other section of the people is so concentrated. The second reason is their low economic status. They have been deprived of all means of production, have nothing left but their hands, have no hope of ever becoming rich and, moreover, are subjected to the most ruthless treatment by the imperialists, the warlords and the bourgeoisie. That is why they are particularly good fighters. The coolies in the cities are also a force meriting attention. They are mostly dockers and rickshaw men, and among them, too, are sewage carters and street cleaners. Possessing nothing but their hands, they are similar in economic status to the industrial workers but are less concentrated and play a less important role in production. There is as yet little modern capitalist farming in China. By rural proletariat we mean farm labourers hired by the year, the month or the day. Having neither land, farm implements nor funds, they can live only by selling their labour power. Of all the workers they work the longest hours, for the lowest wages, under the worst conditions, and with the least security of employment. They are the most hard-pressed people in the villages, and their position in the peasant movement is as important as that of the poor peasants.
Apart from all these, there is the fairly large lumpen-proletariat, made up of peasants who have lost their land and handicraftsmen who cannot get work. They lead the most precarious existence of all. In every part of the country they have their secret societies, which were originally their mutual-aid organizations for political and economic struggle, for instance, the Triad Society in Fukien and Kwangtung, the Society of Brothers in Hunan, Hupeh, Kweichow and Szechuan, the Big Sword Society in Anhwei, Honan and Shantung, the Rational Life Society in Chihli [17] and the three northeastern provinces, and the Green Band in Shanghai and elsewhere [18] One of China’s difficult problems is how to handle these people. Brave fighters but apt to be destructive, they can become a revolutionary force if given proper guidance.
To sum up, it can be seen that our enemies are all those in league with imperialism–the warlords, the bureaucrats, the comprador class, the big landlord class and the reactionary section of the intelligentsia attached to them. The leading force in our revolution is the industrial proletariat. Our closest friends are the entire semi-proletariat and petty bourgeoisie. As for the vacillating middle bourgeoisie, their right-wing may become our enemy and their left-wing may become our friend but we must be constantly on our guard and not let them create confusion within our ranks.
NOTES
1 A comprador, in the original sense of the word, was the Chinese manages or the senior Chinese employee in a foreign commercial establishment. The compradors served foreign economic interests and bad close connection with imperialism and foreign capital.
2 The Étatistes were a handful of shameless fascist politicians who at that time formed the Chinese Étatiste Youth League, later renamed the Chinese Youth Party. They made counter-revolutionary careers for themselves by opposing the Communist Party and the Soviet Union and received subsidies from the various groups of reactionaries in power and from the imperialists.
3 For further discussion of the role of the national bourgeoisie, see “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party”, Chapter 2, Section 4, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. II.
4 Tai Chi-tao joined the Kuomintang in his youth and for a time was Chiang Kai-shek’s partner in stock exchange speculation. After Sun Yat-sen’s death in 1925 he carried on anti-Communist agitation and prepared the ground ideologically for Chiang Kai-shek’s counter-revolutionary coup d’état in 1927. For years be was a faithful running dog to Chiang Kai-shek in the counter-revolution. He committed suicide in February 1949, driven to despair by the imminent doom of Chiang Kai-shek’s regime.
5 The Chen Pao was the organ of the Association for the Study of Constitutional Government, a political group which supported the rule of the Northern warlords.
6 In 1923 Sun Yat-sen, with the help of the Chinese Communist Party, decided to reorganize the Kuomintang bring about Kuomintang-Communist co-operation and admit members of the Communist Party into the Kuomintang. In January 1924 he convened in Canton the Kuomintang’s First National Congress at which he laid down the Three Great Policies–alliance with Russia, co-operation with the Communist Party and assistance to the peasants and workers. Mao Tse-tung, Li Ta-chao, Lin Po-chu, Chu Chiu-pai and other comrades attended the Congress and played an important part in helping the Kuomintang to take the road of revolution. Some of these comrades were elected members, and others alternate members, of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang.
7 By owner-peasants Comrade Mao Tse-tung means the middle peasants.
8 Marshal Chao is Chao Kung-ming, God of Wealth in Chinese folklore.
9 The May 30th Movement was the nation-wide anti-imperialist movement in protest against the massacre of the Chinese people by the British police in Shanghai on May 30 1925. Earlier that month, major strikes had broken out in Japanese-owned textile mills in Tsingtao and Shanghai, which the Japanese imperialists and the Northern warlords who were their running dogs proceeded to suppress. On May 15 the Japanese textile mill-owners in Shanghai shot and killed the worker Ku Cheng-hung and wounded a dozen others. On May 28 eight workers were slaughtered by the reactionary government in Tsingtao. On May 30 more than two thousand students in Shanghai agitated in the foreign concessions in support of the workers and for the recovery of the foreign concessions. They rallied more than ten thousand people before the British police headquarters, shouting such slogans as “Down with imperialism!” and “People of China, unite!” The British imperialist police opened fire, killing and wounding many students. This became known as the May 30th Massacre. It immediately aroused country-wide indignation, and demonstrations and strikes of workers, students and shopkeepers were held everywhere, forming a tremendous anti-imperialist movement.
10 By “the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants”, Comrade Mao Tse-tung is here referring to the impoverished peasants who worked partly on their own land and partly on land rented from others.
11 There were several strata of shop assistants in old China. Here Comrade Mao Tse-tung is referring to the largest. There was also the lower stratum of shop assistants who led the life of proletarians.
12 The seamen’s strikes were staged by the seamen at Hongkong and by the crews of the Yangtse River steamers early in 1922. The Hongkong seamen held out for eight weeks. After a bitter and bloody struggle, the British imperialist authorities in Hongkong were finally forced to raise wages, lift the ban on the Seamen’s Union, release the arrested workers and indemnify the families of the martyrs. The crews of the Yangtze steamers went on strike soon afterwards, carried on the struggle for two weeks and also won victory.
13 Immediately after its founding in 1922-23 the Chinese Communist Party set about organizing the railway worker. In 1922-23 strikes took place under the Party’s leadership on all the trunk lines. The best known was the general strike on the Peking-Hankow Railway which began on February 4, 1923. It was a fight for the freedom to organize a general trade union. On February 7 the Northern warlords Wu Pei-fu and Hsiao Yao-nan, who were backed by British imperialism, butchered the strikers. This became known as the February 7th Massacre.
14 The Kailan Coal Mines was an inclusive name for the large contiguous Kaiping and Luanchow coalfields in Hopei Province, then employing over fifty thousand workers. During the Yi Ho Tuan Movement of 1900 the British imperialists seized the Kaiping mines. Subsequently the Chinese organized the Luanchow Coal Mining Company, which was later incorporated into the Kailan Mining Administration. Both coalfields thus came under the exclusive control of British imperialism. The Kailan strike took place in October 1922. The Tsiaotso Coal Mines, situated in Honan Province, are also well known in China. The Tsiaotso strike lasted from July 1 to August 9, 1925
15 Shameen, a section of the city of Canton, was held on lease by British imperialism. In July 1924 the British imperialists who ruled it issued a new police regulation requiring all Chinese to produce passes with photos on leaving or entering the area. But foreigners were exempt. On July 15 the workers in Shameen went on strike to protest against this preposterous measure, which the British imperialists were finally forced to cancel.
16 Following the May 30th Incident in Shanghai, general strikes broke out on June 1, 1925 in Shanghai and on June 19 in Hong Kong. More than 200,000 workers took part in Shanghai and 250,000 in Hong Kong. The big Hong Kong strike, with the support of the people throughout the country, lasted sixteen months. It was the longest strike in the history of the world labour movement.
17 Chihli was the old name for Hopei Province.
18 The Triad Society, the Society of Brothers, the Big Sword Society, the Rational Life Society and the Green Band were primitive secret organizations among the people. The members were mainly bankrupt peasants, unemployed handicraftsmen and other lumpen-proletarians. In feudal China these elements were often drawn together by come religion or superstition to form organizations of a patriarchal pattern and bearing different names and some possessed arms. Through these organizations the lumpen-proletarians sought to help each other socially and economically, and sometimes fought the bureaucrats and landlords who oppressed them. Of course, such backward organizations could not provide a way out for the peasants and handicraftsmen. Furthermore, they could easily be controlled and utilized by the landlords and local tyrants and, because of this and of their blind destructiveness, come turned into reactionary forces. In his counter-revolutionary coup d’etat of 1927 Chiang Kai-shek made use of them to disrupt the unity of the labouring people and destroy the revolution. As the modern industrial proletariat arose and grew from strength to strength, the peasants, under the leadership of the working class, gradually formed themselves into organizations of an entirely new type, and these primitive, backward societies lost their raison d’etre.
Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project. HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org
Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung
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Political Science theory questions summary and response essay help: summary and response essay help
TEACHING TOLERANCE
A PROJECT OF THE SOUTHERN POVERTY LAW CENTER TOLERANCE.ORG
TEACHING
The New Jim Crow
THE NEW JIM CROW by Michelle Alexander
CHAPTER 5
The New Jim Crow Mapping the Parallels The United States has almost always had a racial undercaste—a group defined wholly or largely by race that is permanently locked out of mainstream, white society by law, custom, and practice. What is most striking about the design of the current caste system,
though, is how closely it resembles its predecessor. [T]here is a profound sense of déjà vu. There is a familiar stigma and shame. There is an elaborate system of
control, complete with political disenfranchisement and legalized discrim- ination in every major realm of economic and social life. And there is the production of racial meaning and racial boundaries.
Historical parallels. Jim Crow and mass incarceration have similar politi- cal origins. [B]oth caste systems were born, in part, due to a desire among
white elites to exploit the resentments, vulnerabilities, and racial biases of poor and working-class whites for political or economic gain. Segregation laws were proposed as part of a deliberate and strategic effort to deflect anger and hostility that had been brewing against the white elite away from them and toward African Americans. The birth of mass incarceration can be traced to a similar political dynamic. Conservatives in the 1970s and 1980s sought to appeal to the racial biases and economic vulnerabilities of poor and working-class whites through racially coded rhetoric on crime and welfare. In both cases, the racial opportunists offered few, if any, economic reforms to address the legitimate economic anxieties of poor and working-class whites, proposing instead a crackdown on the racially defined “others.”
Legalized discrimination. The most obvious parallel between Jim Crow and mass incar- ceration is legalized discrimination. During Black History Month, Americans congratulate themselves for having put an end to discrimination against African Americans in employ- ment, housing, public benefits, and public accommodations. Schoolchildren wonder out loud how discrimination could ever have been legal in this great land of ours. Rarely are they told that it is still legal. Many of the forms of discrimination that relegated African Americans to an inferior caste during Jim Crow continue to apply to huge segments of the black population today—provided they are first labeled felons.
Political disenfranchisement. During the Jim Crow era, African Americans were denied the right to vote through poll taxes, literacy tests, grandfather clauses, and felon disenfran- chisement laws, even though the Fifteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution specifi- cally provides that “the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied … on
Abridged excerpt from The New Jim Crow: Mass Incar- ceration in the Age of Colorblindness — Copyright © 2010, 2012 by Michelle Alexander. Reprinted by permission of The New Press. thenewpress.com
BOOK
EXCERPT
LESSON 9

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account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” Formally race-neutral devices were adopted to achieve the goal of an all-white electorate without violating the terms of the Fifteenth Amendment.
Following the collapse of Jim Crow, all of the race-neutral devices for excluding blacks from the electorate were eliminated through litigation or legislation, except felon disen- franchisement laws. The failure of our legal system to eradicate all of the tactics adopted during the Jim Crow era to suppress the black vote has major implications today. Less than two decades after the War on Drugs began, one in seven black men nationally had lost the right to vote, and as many as one in four in those states with the highest African American disenfranchisement rate.1
Exclusion from juries. One hallmark of the Jim Crow era was all-white juries trying black defendants in the South. Today defendants face a situation highly similar to the one they faced a century ago. [T]he [U.S. Supreme] Court has tolerated the systematic exclu- sion of blacks from juries by allowing lower courts to accept “silly” and even “superstitious” reasons for striking black jurors.2 To make matters worse, a large percentage of black men (about 30 percent) are automatically excluded from jury service because they have been labeled felons.3 The combined effect … has put black defendants in a familiar place— in a courtroom in shackles, facing an all-white jury.
Closing the courthouse doors. The parallels between mass incarceration and Jim Crow extend all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. In Dred Scott v. Sanford, the Supreme Court immunized the institution of slavery from legal challenge on the grounds that African Americans were not citizens, and in Plessy v. Ferguson, the Court established the doctrine of “separate but equal”—a legal fiction that protected the Jim Crow system from judicial scrutiny for racial bias.
Currently, McCleskey v. Kemp and its progeny serve much the same function as Dred Scott and Plessy. Mass incarceration is now off-limits to challenges on the grounds of racial bias, much as its predecessors were in their time. The new racial caste system operates unimpeded by the Fourteenth Amendment and federal civil rights legislation—laws de- signed to topple earlier systems of control.
Racial segregation. Although the parallels listed above should be enough to give anyone pause, there are a number of other, less obvious, similarities between mass incarceration and Jim Crow … . The creation and maintenance of racial segregation is one example. As we know, Jim Crow laws mandated residential segregation, and blacks were relegated to the worst parts of town. Roads literally stopped at the border of many black neighborhoods, shifting from pavement to dirt. Water, sewer systems, and other public services that sup- ported the white areas of town frequently did not extend to the black areas. Racial segre- gation rendered black experience largely invisible to whites, making it easier for whites to maintain racial stereotypes about black values and culture. It also made it easier to deny or ignore their suffering.

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Mass incarceration functions similarly. It achieves racial segregation by segregating prison- ers—the majority of whom are black and brown—from mainstream society. Prisoners are kept behind bars, typically more than a hundred miles from home.4 Even prisons—the actual buildings—are a rare sight for many Americans, as they are often located far from popu- lation centers. Although rural counties contain only 20 percent of the U.S. population, 60 percent of new prison construction occurs there.5 Prisoners are thus hidden from public view—out of sight, out of mind.
Prisons, however, are not the only vehicle for racial segregation. Segregation is also created and perpetuated by the flood of prisoners who return to ghetto communities each year. Because the drug war has been waged almost exclusively in poor communities of color, when drug offenders are released, they are generally returned to racially segregated ghetto communities—the places they call home.
Symbolic production of race. Arguably the most important parallel between mass incar- ceration and Jim Crow is that both have served to define the meaning and significance of race in America. Indeed, a primary function of any racial caste system is to define the meaning of race in its time. Slavery defined what it meant to be black (a slave), and Jim Crow defined what it meant to be black (a second-class citizen). Today mass incarcera- tion defines the meaning of blackness in America: black people, especially black men, are criminals. That is what it means to be black.
[T]he conflation of blackness with crime did not happen organically; rather, it was con- structed by political and media elites as part of the broad project known as the War on Drugs. In the era of colorblindness, it is no longer permissible to hate blacks, but we can hate crimi- nals. Indeed, we are encouraged to do so.
Just as African Americans in the North were stigmatized by the Jim Crow system even if they were not subject to its formal control, black men today are stigmatized by mass incarceration … whether they have ever been to prison or not. For those who have been branded, the branding serves to intensify and deepen the racial stigma, as they are con- stantly reminded in virtually every contact they have with public agencies, as well as with private employers and landlords, that they are the new “untouchables.”
The Limits of the Analogy Just as Jim Crow, as a system of racial control, was dramatically different from slavery, mass incarceration is different from its predecessor. If we fail to appreciate the differences, we will be hindered in our ability to meet the challenges created by the current moment.
Listing all of the differences here is impractical; so instead we will focus on a few of the ma- jor differences that are most frequently cited in defense of mass incarceration ….
Absence of racial hostility. First, let’s consider the absence of overt racial hostility among politicians who support harsh drug laws and the law enforcement officials charged with en- forcing them. The absence of overt racial hostility is a significant difference from Jim Crow, but it can be exaggerated. [R]acial hostility and racial violence have not altogether disap-

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peared, given that complaints of racial slurs and brutality by the police and prison guards are fairly common. Racial violence has been rationalized, legitimated, and channeled through our criminal justice system; it is expressed as police brutality, solitary confine- ment, and the discriminatory and arbitrary imposition of the death penalty.6
White victims of racial caste. Whites never had to sit at the back of the bus during Jim Crow, but today a white man may find himself in prison for a drug offense, sharing a cell with a black man. The direct harm caused to whites caused by mass incarceration seems to distinguish it from Jim Crow; yet, like many of the other differences, this one requires some qualification.
If 100 percent of the people arrested and convicted for drug offenses were African Ameri- can, the situation would provoke outrage among the majority of Americans who consider themselves nonracist and who know very well that Latinos, Asian Americans, and whites also commit drug crimes. We, as a nation, seem comfortable with 90 percent of the people arrested and convicted of drug offenses in some states being African American, but if the figure were 100 percent, the veil of colorblindness would be lost. [T]he inclusion of some whites in the system of control is essential to preserving the image of a colorblind criminal justice system and maintaining our self-image as fair and unbiased people. Because most Americans, including those within law enforcement, want to believe they are nonracist, the suffering in the drug war crosses the color line.
White drug “criminals” are collateral damage in the War on Drugs because they have been harmed by a war declared with blacks in mind. While this circumstance is horribly unfortunate for them, it does create important opportunities for a multiracial, bottom-up resistance movement, one in which people of all races can claim a clear stake. For the first time in our nation’s history, it may become readily apparent to whites how they, too, can be harmed by anti-black racism—a fact that, until now, has been difficult for many to grasp.
Black support for “get tough” policies. Yet another notable difference between Jim Crow and mass incarceration is that many African Americans seem to support the current sys- tem of control, while most believe the same could not be said of Jim Crow. It is frequent- ly argued in defense of mass incarceration that African Americans want more police and more prisons because crime is so bad in some ghetto communities.
[I]t is inaccurate to say that black people “support” mass incarceration or “get tough” policies. The fact that some black people endorse harsh responses to crime is best under- stood as a form of complicity with mass incarceration—not support for it. This complicity is perfectly understandable, for the threat posed by crime—particularly violent crime—is real, not imagined. Although African Americans do not engage in drug crime at significantly higher rates than whites, black men do have much higher rates of violent crime, and violent crime is concentrated in ghetto communities. Studies have shown that joblessness—not race or black culture—explains the high rates of violent crime in poor black communities. Regardless, the reality for poor blacks trapped in ghettos remains the same: they must live in a state of perpetual insecurity and fear. It is perfectly understandable, then, that some African Americans would be complicit with the system of mass incarceration, even if they

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oppose, as a matter of social policy, the creation of racially isolated ghettos and the subse- quent transfer of black youth from underfunded, crumbling schools to brand-new, high- tech prisons.
The predicament African Americans find themselves in today is not altogether different from the situation they faced during Jim Crow. Jim Crow, as oppressive as it was, offered a measure of security for blacks who were willing to play by its rules. Those who flouted the rules or resisted them risked the terror of the Klan. Cooperation with the Jim Crow sys- tem often seemed far more likely to increase or maintain one’s security than any alterna- tive. [I]t is understandable why some blacks believed their immediate safety and security could best be protected by cooperation with the prevailing caste system.
Disagreements within the African American community about how best to respond to systems of control—and even disagreements about what is, and is not, discriminatory— have a long history. The notion that black people have always been united in opposition to American caste systems is sheer myth. Following slavery, for example, there were some African Americans who supported disenfranchisement because they believed that black people were not yet “ready” for the vote. Former slaves, it was argued, were too illiterate to exercise the vote responsibly, and were ill-prepared for the duties of public office. This sentiment could even be found among black politicians such as Isaiah T. Montgomery, who argued in 1890 that voting rights should be denied to black people because enfran- chisement should only be extended to literate men. In the same vein, a fierce debate raged between Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois about whether—and to what extent—ra- cial bias and discrimination were responsible for the plight of the Negro and ought to be challenged. Du Bois praised and embraced Washington’s emphasis on “thrift, patience, and industrial training for the masses,” but sharply disagreed with his public acceptance of segregation, disenfranchisement, and legalized discrimination. In Du Bois’s view, Washing- ton’s public statements arguing that poor education and bad choices were responsible for the plight of former slaves ignored the damage wrought by caste and threatened to rationalize the entire system.
Today, a similar debate rages in black communities about the underlying causes of mass incarceration. While some argue that it is attributable primarily to racial bias and dis- crimination, others maintain that it is due to poor education, unraveling morals, and a lack of thrift and perseverance among the urban poor. [A]rguments can be heard from black people across the political spectrum who believe that reform efforts should be focused on moral uplift and education for ghetto dwellers, rather than challenging the system of mass incarceration itself.
Many black people are confused—and the black community itself is divided—about how best to understand and respond to mass incarceration. A seemingly colorblind system has emerged that locks millions of African Americans into a permanent undercaste, and it ap- pears that those who are trapped within it could have avoided it simply by not commit- ting crimes. Isn’t the answer not to challenge the system but to try to avoid it? Shouldn’t the focus be on improving ourselves, rather than challenging a biased system? Familiar questions are asked decades after the end of the old Jim Crow.

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The genius of the current caste system, and what most distinguishes it from its prede- cessors, is that it appears voluntary. People choose to commit crimes, and that’s why they are locked up or locked out, we are told. This feature makes the politics of responsibil- ity particularly tempting, as it appears the system can be avoided with good behavior. But herein lies the trap. All people make mistakes. All of us are sinners. All of us are criminals. All of us violate the law at some point in our lives.
The notion that a vast gulf exists between “criminals” and those of us who have never served time in prison is a fiction created by the racial ideology that birthed mass incar- ceration, namely that there is something fundamentally wrong and morally inferior about “them.” The reality, though, is that all of us have done wrong. Yet only some of us will be arrested, charged, convicted of a crime, branded a criminal or felon, and ushered into a permanent undercaste.
Urging the urban poor—or anyone—to live up to their highest ideals and values is a good thing, as it demonstrates confidence in the ability of all people to stretch, grow, and evolve. Even in the most dire circumstances, we all have power and agency, the ability to choose what we think and how we respond to the circumstances of our lives. The intuition underlying moral-uplift strategies is fundamentally sound: our communities will never thrive if we fail to respect ourselves and one another.
As a liberation strategy, however, the politics of responsibility is doomed to fail—not be- cause there is something especially wrong with those locked in ghettos or prisons today, but because there is nothing special about them. They are merely human. They will con- tinue to make mistakes and break the law for reasons that may or may not be justified; and as long as they do so, this system of mass incarceration will continue to function well. Generations of black men will continue to be lost—rounded up for crimes that go ignored on the other side of town and ushered into a permanent second-class status. It may seem at first blush that cooperating with the system while urging good behavior is the only option available, but in reality it is not a liberation strategy at all.
Fork in the Road Our nation declared a war on people trapped in racially segregated ghettos—just at the moment their economies had collapsed—rather than providing community investment, quality education, and job training when work disappeared. Of course those communities are suffering from serious crime and dysfunction today. Did we expect otherwise? Did we think that, miraculously, they would thrive? And now, having waged this war for decades, we claim some blacks “support” mass incarceration, as though they would rather have their young men warehoused in prison than going off to college. Clearly a much better set of options could be provided to African Americans—and poor people of all colors—today. As historian Lerone Bennett Jr. eloquently reminds us, “a nation is a choice.” We could choose to be a nation that extends care, compassion, and concern to those who are locked up and locked out or headed for prison before they are old enough to vote. We could seek for them the same opportunities we seek for our own children; we could treat them like one

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of “us.” We could do that. Or we can choose to be a nation that shames and blames its most vulnerable, affixes badges of dishonor upon them at young ages, and then relegates them to a permanent second-class status for life.
Endnotes 1 See Jamie Fellner and Marc Mauer, Losing the Vote: The Impact of Felony Disenfranchisement Laws in the United States (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 1998).
2 See Purkett v. Elm, 514 U.S. 765 discussed in chapter 3, p. 150.
3 Brian Kalt, “The Exclusion of Felons from Jury Service,” American University Law Review 53 (2003): 65.
4 Jeremy Travis, But They All Come Back: Facing the Challenges of Prisoner Reentry (Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press, 2002), 32, citing Bureau of Justice Statistics.
5 Peter Wagner, “Prisoners of the Census”; for more information, see www.prisonersofthecensus.org.
6 See, e.g., Charles Ogletree and Austin Sarat, eds., From Lynch Mobs to the Killing State: Race and the Death Penalty in Ameri- ca (New York: New York University Press, 2006); and Joy James, The New Abolitionists: (Neo) Slave Narratives and Contemporary Prison Writings (New York: State University of New York Press, 2005).

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Political Science questions grad school essay help

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correcturgent

1. Ambition must be made to counteract ambition is most closely linked to
a. pluralism b. elitism c. socialism d. pacifism
2. An example of an interest group which pursues its goals primarily through litigation is the
a. ACLU b. American Tobacco Institute c. AARP d. Veterans of Foreign Wars
3. One criticism of the pluralistic viewpoint of interest groups is that the theory is
a. elitist
b. amoral
c. focuses on overall public interest
d. None of the above
4. C. Wright Mills believed that if pluralism exists, it
a. consists entirely of political interest groups
b. really consists of competing groups of elites
c. involves the masses
d. involves predominantly blue-collar workers
5. According to David Truman, a moderating influence on interest group politics is
a. socialization
b. multiple/overlapping memberships
c. potential interest groups
d. All of the above
6. Which of the following roles do interest groups fulfill?
a. Supplement Congressional representation
b. Initiate ideas
c. Perform a watchdog function
d. All of the above
7. Interest groups differ from political parties in that
a. interest groups promote their goals by running candidates for elected office
b. interest groups seek direct control of the government
c. interest groups seek responsibility for the management of government
d. interest groups seek to influence government rather than nominating candidates for
office
8. Which of the following is considered an “economic” interest group?
a. Sierra Club
b. American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)
c. National Right to Life Committee
d. Public Citizen
9. Which of the following is considered a “single-issue” interest group?
a. Sierra Club
b. American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)
c. National Right to Life Committee
d. Public Citizen
10. Which of the following is considered a “citizen” interest group?
a. American Medical Association
b. National Beer Wholesalers Association
c. National Right to Life Committee
d. Public Citizen
11. “Climate control” is the label applied to interest group tactics which
a. use public outreach to build favorable public opinion of the organization or company
b. seek to personally persuade political leaders to support the group’s position
c. provide financial aid or other forms of support for favored office seekers
d. are more commonly known as peaceful protests
12. The practice of organizing citizens to exert direct pressure on public officials in support of
an interest group’s policy preferences is known as
a. grassroots mobilization
b. grass tops mobilization
c. Astroturf lobbying
d. coalition formation
13. Which of the following organizations spent the most money lobbying government during
the last 15 years?
a. U.S. Chamber of Commerce b. AT&T c. General Motors d. AARP
14. The filing of amicus curiae briefs is one form of lobbying
a. the President b. Congress c. the courts d. All of the above
15. Which of the following most closely reflects pluralism?
a. Politics is ambition countering ambition
b. Politics is a quest for a just and moral society
c. Individual fulfillment and social good are one and the same
d. People without rules could produce a community free of strife
16. Which of the following can be said of pluralism?
a. It is a philosophical commitment to diversity.
b. Implicit in a pluralistic philosophy is disdain for difference.
c. Pluralism respects difference, which translates to civility.
d. A and C but not B
17. As discussed in the Democracy in Crisis podcast, “individual agency”
a. is the result of the state governments possessing too much power.
b. is achieved when people are engaged in participating in public policy debate.
c. is encouraged by wealthy interest groups which become involved in electoral politics.
d. is dangerous to democracy because unqualified people would influence policy.
18. The Democracy in Crisis podcast pointed out the following crisis in U.S. democracy:
a. political polarization
b. rise in wealthy, powerful interest groups
c. “vetocracy”
d. All of the above.
e. A and B but not C.
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THE YENAN FORUM ON LITERATURE AND ART a level english language essay help: a level english language essay help
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Length Regarding Chinese History essay help: essay helpThe final exam consists of the following 2 essay questions. Please note that the essays are of slightly different lengths.
The essays should be double-spaced, 12-point font, and checked for spelling, typos, and grammar. Proofread! Spellcheck does not catch all problems. The essays are due bt December 7 by 4 pm.
Topic 1: This essay should be 4-5 pages.
It is 1949. The CCP has just become the government of the People’s Republic of China, and the Guomindang has begun to govern Taiwan. As a historian, you have been asked to advise on which government the US should recognize. You have been assured that whatever your perspective, your views will not be made public: you need not worry about consequences and are at liberty to express your honest opinion.
Write a report arguing either that the US should recognize the CCP or the GMD. Your report should consider the record of the CCP and GMD from 1921 to 1952, drawing on Schoppa, and essays by Mao Zedong, Chen Xuezhao, Lu Xun, Chiang Kai-shek, Song Meiling, Ding Ling, and Wang Shiwei. Be sure to consider the war with Japan/WWII, CCP social and economic policies and programs (such as land reform, marriage laws, rectification). Also consider the ways in which both parties began as idealistic movements and had to change in the context of political realities. Most important, make your report emphasize history!
Keep in mind that whichever side you argue, it is completely appropriate to refer to aspects of either party that might complicate your view, and then describe how you would contextualize them. Focus on China! (This is not a paper about US history or politics, and so you need not consider the specifics of the US at that time.)
Topic 2: This essay should be 3-4 pages.
Based on Dragon’s Village, what were the major challenges faced in implementing land reform and how were they confronted? What was accomplished and what problems remained impossible to resolve? Your essay should draw very specifically from Dragon’s Village! (only use this book as the source for this question. By Yuan-tsungCheng. A Dragon’s Village.)
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Discussion on legislative branch essay help 123
Legislative Branch
Who are the members of Congress? Compare their characteristics to those of the US population.
What factors influence congressional elections? Why does incumbency play such a large role?
How is Congress organized to make policy? What are the major institutional differences between the House and the Senate?
What are the important roles played by leaders, committees, caucuses, and staff?
What is the process by which a bill become a law? What factors help explain congressional decisions?

Congress 11.1

Congress 11.2
Who are the members of Congress? Compare their characteristics to those of the US population.

The Members
Power and pay: $174,000 (about 3 times the typical American family) and generous retirement benefits. Oh yes, and the potential for a much higher salary once you leave office (as a lobbyist).

Number and Length of Terms
Lower House: House of Representatives – 435 (2-year terms)
Upper House: Senate – 100 members (6-year terms)

Constitutional Qualifications
House: at least 25 years old and be an American citizen for 7 years.
Senate: at least 30 years old and be an American citizen for 9 years.

Makeup of the Congress
Members of Congress look very different than the average American – they are very atypical.

Note the difference between substantive and descriptive representation.
Descriptive: do members mirror the personal, political relevant characteristics of citizens?
Substantive: do members reflect the interests and policy positions of the district citizens?

Congress 11.3

Congress 11.4
What factors influence congressional elections? Why does incumbency play such a large role?

Congressional Elections

Incumbency is a major factor that affects elections to the Congress.
Incumbents have advantages that make them likely to win reelection.

Congress 11.5

Incumbency Advantages in Congressional Elections

Congress 11.6
Sources of incumbency advantage:
Advertising: The goal is visibility and demonstrating to constituents that the legislator is working hard for the citizens.
Credit claiming
Casework
Pork barrel projects: federal money to the district for projects.
Position taking
Weak opponents
Campaign spending

Congress 11.7
How is Congress organized to make policy? What are the major institutional differences between the House and the Senate?

Institutional Features
Bicameral Congress as provided by the Constitution.
Some institutional features are common to both houses – such as the presence of committees that do much of the work.
But there are some key differences, most notably: the House is more centralized and more hierarchical than the Senate.

Congress 11.8

House versus Senate: Some Key Differences

Congress 11.9
Other key institutional differences between the chambers:

The House has a Rules Committee that has a great deal of power. It performs a “traffic cop” function and gives each bill a “rule” that schedules the bill, sets time limits for debate, and can specify the types of amendments that can be offered. The Speaker now appoints the members of this very powerful committee.

Unlike in the House where debate on a bill can be ended with a majority vote, in the Senate, a filibuster is possible. This is “a strategy unique to the Senate whereby opponents of a piece of legislation try to talk it to death, based on the tradition of unlimited debate.” It requires 60 Senators present and voting to invoke cloture to end debate.

Congress 11.10
What are the important roles played by leaders, committees, caucuses, and staff?

Congressional Leadership

HOUSE
Speaker of the House
Majority and Minority Leaders
Majority and Minority Whips

SENATE
President of the Senate, President Pro-Tempore
Majority Leader and Minority Leaders

Congress 11.11
Committees
There are four types of committees:
Standing committees
Joint committees
Conference committees
Select committees
Committee actions:
“mark-up” stage
oversight

Caucuses

Congressional Staff
GAO
CBO

Congress 11.12
What is the process by which a bill become a law? What factors help explain congressional decisions?

How does a bill become a law?
Note the steps in the process.
Bills follow parallel processes in the House and the Senate.
Ultimately, both houses must pass the same version of the bill before being sent to the president.

Congress 11.13

How a Bill Becomes a Law

Congress 11.14
Success or failure determined by a variety of factors
Presidential support.
Political party.
Ideology.
Constituency pressures.
Trustees: legislators should use their best judgement to make policy in the interests of the people.
Instructed delegate: legislators should make policy that mirrors the preferences of their constituents.
Lobbyists and Interest Groups.

Congress 11.15

Increasing Polarization in Congress

11.4
Congress 11.16

Another Way to View Increasing Polarization in Congress

16
This figure lays out two paths for how a bill can become a law.

Activity: As a fun introductory exercise, screen the School House Rock video “I’m Just a Bill” available on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tyeJ55o3El0. For a more detailed assignment, ask students to prepare, either in the written form of “script” or an actual video, your own supplement that adds to the simple version presented your more sophisticated understanding of committees, congressional decision making, interest groups, and constituencies that actually fashion how bills become laws.

Congress 11.17

Increasing Polarization in the US House: Agreement Between Party Members 1949-2011
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Virtual World history discussion essay help app: essay help app

Identity in a Virtual World?
Can you imagine a world where you wake up in the morning, and you go to your doctor’s office without ever leaving your house? Instead, you plug your blood pressure cuff into your computer and you insert your saliva sample into an analytical drive. The analysis is sent to a virtual physician who lives a thousand miles away. He diagnoses an illness that requires surgery. Lucky for you, the surgeon drone is not terribly busy that morning, and you are able to have your gallbladder removed early in the afternoon. The drone arrives, gives you anesthesia, and by employing ultrasound technology, your doctor can operate by remote control. Without interacting with a human at any point in the process, you have an organ removed in your own home.
For many people, the idea that a university could appear in your living room was equally hard to imagine. Yet, Walden can provide you with a world class education without physically sharing a space with fellow students and teachers. Today online learning is a more common experience, and you are bravely doing what was only a dream 20 years ago.
What wonderful uses of technology! Yet there can be a dark side to technology and the virtual world. Texting while driving isn’t the only thing that can cause an injury. Many people get news of an end to a relationship via text message, cry about an ex’s post on Facebook, or find out about an affair by cyber sleuthing. We must learn to navigate the positive aspects of technology (1 in 3 marriage licenses in New York City were to couples who met online) while dealing with the perversion rampant online.
In this week’s Discussion you will use the Week 1 Notes and Readings to explore what it means to be human in a virtual world. Reference the resources in your post and response. You do not have to formally cite a source, but if you are relating an idea or building upon the readings, poems, or videos, please identify the source.
To prepare for the Discussion:
The “To prepare” component of the Discussion identifies the Learning Resources you will need to read or view to inform your post for the Discussion. Additionally, it may ask you to think about a specific topic, consider an alternate perspective, or recall life experiences which may inform your Discussion post.

Read and reflect upon theWeek 1 Notes and Readings.
Think about interactions you have had in a virtual space such as a help line/call center, Skype, Amazon shopping cart, or your communications with Walden University.
Think about whether you’ve had emotional reactions to material online.
Review the Discussion Rubric and Sample Discussion Board Responses documents.

By Day 3,post a paragraph response (about 200–300 words in length) to the following questions:
Do you behave and communicate differently online than you do face-to-face? How so? Give specific examples.
What does it mean to be “fully human”? In light of your definition, do you think we can be “fully human” while interacting with others in a virtual space? Why or why not?
Read two or more of your classmate’s postings.
Respond by Day 5 to two or more of your classmate’s postings by sharing how you would change what you wrote based upon what you read in other posts.
Return to this Discussion in a few days to read the responses to your initial posting. Note what you have learned and/or any insights you have gained as a result of the comments your classmates made.
Click on the Reply button below to reveal the textbox for entering your message. Then click on the Submit button to post your message.

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Representation in the U.S. House essay help site:eduReport #3: Representation in the U.S. House
You are to write a brief report on a current member of the U.S. House of Representatives that I will randomly assign to you. A list of assignments for each student will appear in this week’s block by the fourth week of classes.
Assigned to write a brief report on (MIKE ROGERS U.S. House Alabama District 3)
Before beginning this assignment, make certain that you have read Chapter 11 in your text (“Congress”). The only source you will need for writing the report is the Project Vote Smart web site that can be accessed here: Project Vote Smart
Using the tabs at the top of the website, locate the information needed for answering the questions below. The report should contain three separate sections that address all the points in each question. Notice the expected word count for each section (exceeding the word count will not negatively affect your grade, but please try to stay within the range).
1. Provide basic biographical information about the member. What is their current or past occupation, education level, party affiliation, past political experiences, leadership positions held, etc.? This information can be found under the “Bio” tab. (approximately 200-250 words)
2. Characterize the member’s typical roll call voting patterns based on their votes on specific issues and rating scores compiled by interest groups (found under “Votes” and “Ratings” tabs). Would you describe the member’s voting as mostly conservative, mostly liberal, or somewhere in between? Cite examples to justify your characterization. (approximately 200- 250 words)
3. Where does the member receive the bulk of his or her campaign contributions (found under “Funding” tab)? What industries or professions provide a significant portion of the member’s campaign funds? Provide examples. (approximately 100-150 words)
Be careful not to plagiarize. If you want to quote from the Vote Smart website, do so using quotation marks and indicate where the quote is found. But try to do this sparingly and simply use your own words in addressing the questions.
In your writing, use an analytical tone that is free of your personal opinions. In other words, try to answer the questions in a straightforward and objective manner.
Link: Project Vote Smart
PLEASE NOTE: When using the Project Vote Smart web site you may be asked to make a financial contribution to their organization. It is not necessary to make a contribution in order to use their web site.
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